Resilience of external financing conditions overall. The election of Donald Trump to the White House has caused a rally in the US dollar and revived uncertainties about the external financing conditions of emerging countries. The Argentinean peso, the Turkish lira and the South African rand are among the emerging market currencies that recorded the largest depreciations between November 5th, 2024, and February 24th, 2025, losing 6.3%, 5.7% and 5.2% of their value against the US dollar, respectively. Overall, emerging sovereigns should be relatively resilient against a stronger dollar and the risk of increased investor selectivity towards risky assets. However, all of them are not in the same boat
The result of the German election reveals a clear winner: the CDU/CSU. Only five parties were able to enter parliament, thereby reducing the fragmentation of the Bundestag. A grand coalition with the SPD is possible. Negotiations should begin soon to establish a common roadmap. When they come to an end, changes are to be expected: a German government that takes more initiative in European affairs, more public investment, increased defence spending and, as a result, a German budget deficit and public debt that could increase.
Peace talks have started. We do not know how soon or exactly where they will land. But things are moving fast. While much of the focus is, rightly, on the unexpectedly daunting geostrategic challenges, it’s not too soon to start mapping out the key economic implications for Europe.
While French growth reached 1.1% in 2023 and 2024, uncertainties, particularly of a political nature, are expected to drive growth slightly down in 2025 (0.7% according to our forecasts). The difference can be explained primarily by the weak growth carry-over after Q4 2024 and Q1 2025. However, we are probably over the worst and growth is expected to strengthen from Q2 onwards. In fact, implementation of the 2025 budget should restore confidence and allow an increase in public consumption compared to Q1 (when it was penalised by renewal of the 2024 budget). Basically, we think that the momentum of the transition to services - accompanied by strong business creations - has not been interrupted. Accordingly, the fundamentals of French growth are preserved.
The German elections of 23 February have high stakes. German GDP has been stagnating for three years and production capacity in the manufacturing sector has suffered its first decline since reunification. The question of the relevance of the German territory as a production site (standort deutschland) was again raised. In this context, will these elections open a new era (zeitenwende) in German economic policy, as was the case with the Hartz laws twenty years ago? Two main issues will need to be monitored: the reform of the debt brake and the decrease of energy costs.
Who's next? As soon as he became the 47th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump drew the weapon of tariffs, “the most beautiful word in the dictionary”, as he put it. Mexico, Canada and China were the first to be hit, while the European Union (EU) was explicitly targeted.
While the Fed lowered its target rate by 100 bps from 18 September 2024, bond yields rose by around 80 bps (as at 7/2/2025). This rare divergence is reminiscent of an inverse version of the ‘Greenspan conundrum’ (2004–2005): during this episode, which spread to Europe, the rise in short-term rates had little effect on long-term rates. What are the reasons for these contrary movements between short- and long-term rates, and what might the implications be?
The consensus view currently holds that the great divergence between the US and EU economies observed since the pandemic is bound to continue. As a snapshot of current conditions, it is certainly true that the US economy has a strong growth momentum and bullish animal spirits, while Europe has neither. But extrapolating from a snapshot, as instinct tempts us to do, is often wrong. In fact, there are solid reasons to expect the gap between US and Europe growth to shrink in 2025—as envisioned in BNPP’s central scenario, with the US economy slowing down and the Eurozone’s accelerating (albeit modestly so). Beyond the year-ahead outlook, there are at least 5 reasons to challenge the view that Donald Trump’s economic policies will make Europe even weaker. Let’s consider them in turn.
The impulse of bank lending to the private sector continued to recover in the Eurozone in Q4 2024 (1.5 after between 1.1 and 1.2 since September 2024). It was back in positive territory since August (0.8), and in December 2024 it reached its highest level since November 2022 (2.7). The ECB bank lending survey in the Eurozone confirms the recovery in the demand for loans in Q4 2024. However, political uncertainties have resulted in a tightening of credit standards for lending to companies in France and Germany.
Energy policy was at the top of the agenda during the election campaign and in the first few weeks of the Trump presidency. Its objectives are to reaffirm America's domination of the global hydrocarbon market (the United States has been the world's leading oil producer since 2019) and to ensure low prices for US consumers. In practice, this is manifesting in a desire to increase US oil and gas production by three million barrels of oil equivalent per day, for an average crude oil production of over 13 million b/d in 2024. But is this goal realistic?
The first FOMC meeting of 2025 (28-29 January) should result in the target rate being held at +4.25% - +4.5%. In our view, this would mark the beginning of a pause lasting until mid-2026, due to the anticipated pick-up in inflation that would result from Donald Trump's economic policy.
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On 20 January 2025, Donald Trump once again became President of the United States. With a ‘clear mandate’, the Republican intends to harness his victory by addressing his favourite issues. His return to the Oval Office comes at a time when the dollar is witnessing one of the biggest rallies in history. The real effective exchange rate of the greenback is now at a comparable level to the one which led to the Plaza Accord of 1985, and its appreciation has a high likelihood of continuing. This trend is likely to frustrate the new President, who is keen to denounce weak currencies as penalising US industry
“Not all died, but all were stricken”. While the Covid-19 pandemic spared no one, its consequences, particularly on the budgetary front, were not the same for everyone.
The global economy faces a long list of uncertainties -growth, inflation, interest rates, political, geopolitical, tariffs, etc. When uncertainty is exceptionally high, as is the case today, the economic environment becomes intrinsically unstable and may evolve suddenly and drastically. This acts as an economic headwind because companies that are highly exposed to these sources of uncertainty may postpone investment and hiring decisions. This may weigh on household confidence, triggering a reduction in discretionary spending. Financial markets may also become more volatile because investors shorten their investment horizon. There is a clear urgency of creating a predictable policy environment.
While the Bank of England's (BoE) decision to keep its key rates unchanged at 4.75% on December 19th was in line with market expectations, the vote by three MPC members in favour of a 25 basis point cut was less so. This week, which has had a wealth of economic indicators in the UK, will certainly have shifted the lines, between rising inflation in November and heightened fears that an overly restrictive monetary policy could derail the economic recovery. Indeed, the BoE has revised its growth forecast for Q4 downwards, from 0.3% to 0.0%.
The Fed ended the year with a reduction in its target rate (-25 bp), which now stands at +4.25% to +4.5%. Meanwhile, median expectations by committee members of the number of cuts fell from four to two for 2025. The response from the financial markets was abrupt.
Despite negative net long-term public debt flows over the period 2021-2023 (see chart), China remains the top lending country to Sub-Saharan African states, ahead of France, the UK and the US. However, long-term public debt owed to China contracted by 4.5% in current dollars between 2019 and 2023, while debt owed to all creditors increased by 15.6%.
The election of Donald Trump as President of the United States has raised fears that protectionist measures will be stepped up. Customs duties would be applied to all products from all of the United States' trading partners. In addition to China, the main country targeted, concerns about the macroeconomic and financial consequences of such a policy have risen sharply in Mexico.
In Spain, Italy and Portugal, the five largest banking groups recorded, on average and on a consolidated basis, an annualised return on average equity (ROAE) of 15.0%, 15.6% and 18.1%, respectively, in the first three quarters of 2024. These are levels not seen since 2007.
The presidential election on 5 November is associated with underlying but potentially decisive economic issues.Political aspects: The election pits Vice President Kamala Harris (Democrat) against former President Donald Trump (Republican). The winner will take office on 20 January 2025. The election looks set to be particularly closely contested, despite the momentum in Donald Trump's favour at the end of the campaign. At the same time, voters will be deciding on the composition of the next Congress, which will significantly affect the new administration's room for manoeuvre.Economic context: The vote comes against a backdrop of an apparently stronger economy. This is illustrated by solid macroeconomic performances, despite recent shocks, which are seemingly auguring a soft landing
The outcome of the US presidential elections on 5 November will decide the extent of the protectionist turn taken across the Atlantic. However, global exports have so far resisted the rise in tariff barriers. By the end of the decade, the IMF forecasts growth in exports of goods similar to or even slightly higher than that of world GDP. Tighter protectionist measures will affect global growth, but the effects on international trade will be more nuanced.
In the United States, economic policy uncertainty, based on media coverage, picked up again in September, after a brief decline in August. This increase is due to the political uncertainty in the country in the run-up to the presidential elections on 5 November.
The Italian real GDP over the past three years is higher than previously estimated, thanks to the 2024 general revision of the national accounts. This revision, which is undertaken every five years and was published by the Italian National Institute of Statistics (Istat) on 23 September, includes the basis change with reference year 2021. As a result, real GDP is finally, albeit only slightly, above the level posted before the 2008 financial crisis (0.6 pp higher in Q2 2024 than in Q4 2007).
Economic indicators for August 2024 once again show that Chinese economic growth is lacking strength. The real GDP growth target of “around 5%” set by Beijing for 2024 can only be achieved with a stronger impetus generated by monetary easing and fiscal expansion.
